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SENATOR GRUNDY S 



POLITICAL CONDUCT 



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REVIEWEiD. 



BY CHAUI.es 'jBIDDIuE. 



Kaspille: 

REPUBLICAN AND GAZETTE OFFICE- 

1832. 



TO THE PUBLIC, 



Every man who obtrudes his private concerns upon 
the peoi)le and soHcits their attention to subjects in which 
they apparently have but litde or no concern, owes it to 
himself and the community he addresses, to assign a sat- 
isfactory reason for his intrusion. The present appeal to 
your patient attention is not, however, altogether of a pri- 
vate nature, but in some degree involves the character 
and conduct of the President of the United States, and a 
Senator from the State of Tennessee. I shall, therefore, 
endeavor by a plain statement of facts, to satisfy the re- 
flecting part of tlie community, that great injustice has 
been done both to tae President and myself; and if, in ex- 
hibiting the proof, it should happen that censure attaches 
to others, it must result solely from the nature of the trans- 
actions which it may be necessary to develope. 

About one year ago, some of the most distinguished 
men in this state, who were my political friends, strenuous- 
ly urged me to become the conductor of a public press m 
this City, and they so far flattered my vanity as to state 
their belief of my ability to conduct a public journal with 
credit to myself and benefit to the people. Before acce- 
ding to these solicitations, I requested a personal friend ot 
mine to address a letter to the President recpiesting to 
know whether it was his intention, (as he had once sta- 
ted) to nominate me to any office under the government. 



1 o this letter ray friend received an answer stating that 
the President intended appointing nic a Judge in Florida. 
/ reqmsfed him to smj to th^ Prrsuhnt that Uwns an 
office which I would not accept. As I have snice learn- 
ed that this answer was never comnjunicated to the Pre- 
sident, it is necessary, in order to prove my detennination 
upon this subject, to st^ate, thai it v.as only three days after 
the receipt of the President's letter that I advertised pro- 
posals for issuing a newspaper to be called ih< "Tennes- 
see Reporter." My persona! friends all knew of niy de- 
termination to dechne the office designated lor me by the 
President; they knew that my subsequent abandonment 
of the press arose from family consiiierations not necessa- 
ry now to be discussed; and they also know, that so far as 
regards pecuniary interest there never has been a news- 
paper established in the western country with fairer pros- 
pects of enriching its proprietor. Entertaining such views 
relative to the Judgeship of Florida, it may readily be 
imagined that I lelt no very great regret at the rejection 
of my nomination. Indeed, so indiiTcrent did I feel upon 
the subject, that although I have relatives and friends in 
Congress, who could have furnished the isiformation, yet 
I have never enquired, nor do I at this moment, know the 
majority by which the nomination was rejected, //£;/• ^/fc 
name of a single Senator itJio voted against it. 

As I occasionally visit the City of Washington, it 
would have afforded me pleasure to remain in the same 
state of ignoi-ance, il Mr. Grundy had not publicly avowed 
his support of my nomination, and assigned reasons for 
his conduct w^iich appear altogether unworthy of a Sena- 
tor. At the present moment, whilst an important elec- 
tion is pending, it is peculiarly unpleasant to be compel- 
led to expose the duplicity of a man who founds his v>'hoIe 
clamfi for public support upon the ground of his rigid ad- 



5 



hesioii to the present administration of the general gov- 
ernment. It is not my intention, however, to travel out 
of tiic record lor the purpose of criminating Mr. Grnn- 
dy, but 1 shall endeavor to keep sieadily in view the 
main object of diis address — which is, to vindicate the 
President from the foul imputation which the Senator has 
endeavored to fasten upon him, of nomindling an un- 
loorlhy and unjil man jor anhnporlant puhlic sUiLion. 
In order to complete this design it will be proper for me 
to enter into a detailed statement of some facts, which, I 
fear, will be uninteresting to the reader, but are rendered 
necessarv for a correct understanding' of the motives and 
actions ol the parties concerned. 

If I shall succeed in shewing that the President nomin- 
ated me to oiiice at the r< quest of Mr. Grundij himsdf 
and that his subsequent outrageous conduct towards the 
Prcisidentand myself was produced by die most malignant 
feelings arising from my political opposition to him, I 
shall then have exhibited him to the public in a mv>st un- 
enviable position. 

During the late warmly contested canvas for Senator of 
the United States, it is well known to the citizens of this 
community that I not only felt, but expressed deep anxiety 
for die success of Miijor Eaton ; but I am not aware that 
either in writing or speaking upon the subject, I exceeded 
the bounds within which all political discussions should 
be circumscribed. Having thus confined myself to a fair 
and legitimate opposition to Messrs. Grundy and Foster, 
I had a right to expect from those gendemen to be met 
by arguments or proofs going to shew the superiority of 
their claims over those of Major Eaton, or at least, that 
they would have avoided the use of uncourteous language 
towards those who diflered from them in opinion. So far 
as regards Col. Foster and his friends, my expectations 



6 

were fully realized ; but I regret to say x.hat a different j 
course was pursued by Mr. Grundy. About three weeks j 
before the day fixed upon for the election, I learned from 
a variety of sources, that Mr. Grundy, for purposes best 
known to himself, had spoken of me in such terms as I 
considered not warranted by our relative situations before 
the public. It appeared to me that the same delicacy of 
feeling which prompted me, (out of respect for his official 
station,) to restrain myself from too rigid an enquiry into < 
hi^ 'private character, ought to have prevented him from 
exercising an influence which he derived solely from that 
station, for the purpose of injuring a private citizen. It 
is now decided to postpone the eh ction ; but as the part 
which I took in the matter has been variously represented, i 
and not always correcdy, I deem it proper to submit 
some documents for public inspection, and to add a few 
explanatory remarks. In taking this step, my sole object 
is to vindicate myself against vile aspersions without the 
shghtest view of aggravating the wounds which have been 
recently inflicted upon others. 

The first letter in the series which I shall publish, is 
one written by myselt to the gentleman who communica- 
ted to me, confidentially, the course of conduct which Mr. 
Grundy was pursuing in order to weaken the effect of my 
opposition to him ; and my reason for enclosing in that 
letter the recommendations of the members of Congress 
from Pennsylvania and Tennessee, arose from the cir- 
cumstance of Mr. Grundy's having denied (as was re- 
ported) that his signature was attached to that paper. Of 
his denial I have no positive evidence; but I do know 
that whilst the President was lately in the neighbourhood 
of Nashville, it was so stated to him by a gendeman of 
Tennessee, and the answer of the President rendered it 
prudent for Mr. Grundy to abandon that position if he had 
ever before assumed it. 



kf My dislike to Seiialor Grundy was originally founded 
upon considerations altogeduir of a public nature, and 
arose from a settled conviction of the instability of his 
political character, and his entire destitution, as I Uiought, 
of every thing like fixed principles of government. I view- 
ed him as a politician who adopted neiUier the motto of 
"principles — not men," nor of "principles and men," nor 
of "men and not principles." On the contrary, I consid- 
ered him prepared at all hazards to support the inleresls 
of Felix Grundy — principle or no principle. With 
such impressions I could never consent to yield him my 
support for any office. 

Letter from Cliarles Biddle, to Esquire. 

Nashville, lOlh September, 1832. 
Dear Sir; — You stated to me in conversation this morning, 
that Mr. Felix Grundy had asserted that his vote in the Senate 
of the United States upon my nomination was given with re- 
luctance and solely to gratify the President. I ha^ e since learn- 
ed that he claims considerable merit, and founds a large por- 
tion of his demands upon the Jackson party in consequence of 
his always voting in the Senate for all the "President's Bobtail 
Nominations, whether right or wrong." It must at once have 
occurred to a gentleman of your discernment, that such a 
course of conduct pursued from such motives was not calcula- 
ted to elevate the character of a Senator chosen to represent 
the interests and dignity of the state of Tennessee; but there 
is another reflection which may not immediately have occur- 
red to you, which is, that such remarks have a tendency to 
bring General Jackson and his administration into disrepute. 
My own opinion is, that the Hero of New Orleans requires no 
"6o6-fai7s," but is able without such factitious aids to soar far 
above all his enemies, whether they combine under the shallow 
pretensions of National Republicanism or the traitorous appel- 
lation of Nullifiers. It is not my intention at present to enter 



8 

into a discussion as to the dangers to be apprehended from the 
South Carolina doctrine, nor to expose the names of men in our 
own state, who, without sufficient courage openly to encounter 
public odium, have subserviency enough to shield themselves 
behind the High Priest of the Nullification party. Although 
no man places a higher estimate than I do upon those affection- 
ate feelings which arise from consanguinity, yet I think, Mr. 
Grundy, as a public officer, ought to consult his country's safe- 
ty, instead of sacrificing the Union to gratify his kinsman (Mr. 
John C. Calhoun.) A crisis in our national affairs is fast ap- 
proaching which threatens destruction to the fairest fabric 
which was ever reared upon the foundations of liberty and the 
rights of man. Are we prepared to lend a hand in undermin- 
ing this beautiful building? Shall we pull down twenty-four 
splendid columns erected with the most perfect symetry, mere- 
ly to gratify an idle curiosity, to look upon the chaos w^hich 
must inevitably result from our own folly? God forbid! Let 
us then remember that the state of Tennessee is enabled by 
her geograpical position and physical power to give a strong 
tone to public feeling and a direction to the political iriove- 
mentsof the Southern states; which facts are perfectly under- 
stood by the nullification party in South Carolina. It is owing 
to these circumstances that the proceedings of our Legislature 
are viewed with such intense anxiety by Carolina; and it is 
considered in that state that our approaching election for Sen- 
ator will unequivocally decide whether Tennessee does or does 
not respond in sentiment to the President, that "the Union 
must be preserved." 

But, my dear sir, I have been, unawares, led into a discus- 
sion upon the subject of nullification, when I only intended 
saying a (ew words about Mr Grundy; and the only apology 
I have to offer is, that the two subjects are so intimately con- 
nected in the public mind that it is difficult to sever them. 1 
shall now say something about Mr. Grundy, and in doing this 
it will be necessary to introduce my OAvn name. In the month 
of February 1830, 1 was invited to a party at Judge Hemp- 
hill's in Washington City, where I met a number of my old 
Pennsylvania friends; and in the course of conversation I sta- 
ted, that 1 had that day, for the first time in my life, offered my 



9 

services to the President of the United States in any station he 
might assinii me, without designating any particular office. 
The quc>tion was at once asked, wlietlier I had presented any 
recommendations; in answer to which I stated, that as the 
President was personally and intimately acquainted with me, I 
deemed such documents unnecessary, and at the same time ex- 
pressed my decided conviction of the utter inutility of recom- 
dations in cases where the executive and the applicant were 
known to each other. My friends thought otherwise, as will 
appear by the annexed papers. To one of those papers you 
w^ill find the name of Mr. Grundy, and as it is said that he has 
recently connected my name with what he calls "Jackson's 
bob-tail nominations,'*" you must indulge me whilst I state the 
origin of his bitterhostility towards me. About one year ago, 
whilst the names of INlessrs. Foster and Grundy were before 
the people as candidates for Senator, there appeared in the 
newspapers several severe strictures upon Mr. Grundy's dubious 
political course and a direct charge made against him of fa- 
vorins: the South Carolina doctrine of nullilication. He call- 
ed upon me and entreated, with the most abject servilitj^, that 
I would become his Champion and defend him through the 
newspapers against these attacks — an office xchich I very civilly 
declined. 1 not only refused to become his advocate, but with 
the best of my feeble powers endeavored to expose his political 
errors. But this is not the whole head and front of my offend- 
ing: for during the last session of the legislature a violent ef- 
fort was made by Mr. Grundy and his friends to bring on the 
senatorial election; but it so happened they failed, and this 
failure they ascribed, in a great measure, to the arguments urg- 
ed through the public presses of the country; and the sin of 
penning those arguments was, very justly, laid at my door. 
From that time until the present hour, Mr. Grundy has been 
unable to conceal his inveterate hatred towards me, which has 
been aggravated of late by a very strong suspicion that I would 
prefer a change in the senatorial ofhcer. If, under sueh cir- 
cumstances, he had claimed merit for voting, as a Senator, in 
favor of a personal foe, it is possible that his claims might have 
been admitted even by some of those who were aware of the 
insidious artifices to which he resorted in order to defeat a 

B 



10 

measure which he was apparently anxious to promote. But 
when Mr. Grundy publicly announces that he voted for an in- 
competent man for office, merely because the President nomi- 
nated him, then I think the Senator not only digraces himself, 
but is willing to sacrifice State pride and State rights, which have 
heretofore been considered as peculiarly under the protection 
of the senatorial branch of the National Legislature. 

Although I scorn Felix Grundy's malignity, and smile at his 
folly, yet so great is my pity for the man that I am v.'illing to 
extend towards him the most sincere forgiveness for the inju- 
ries he has attempted to inflict upon me, leaving him to settle 
in the best way he can with the Jackson party, for his sneers 

about the President's ^'-hob-tail nominations.^'' 
I am your friend, 

CHALES BIDDLE. 

[The following letter from the Honorable Geo. G. 
Leiper, Jos. Hemphill and T. H. Crawford, was enclos- 
ed in the foregoing.] 

Washington City, 27th February, 1830. 
To Charles Biddle, Esq. 

Dear Sir — After the conversation which took place be- 
tween you and ourselves, a few evenings since, in relation to 
your application to the President, we consulted together upon 
the matter, and concluded that a recommendation could do no 
harm if it did no good. In accordance with that opinion we 
proceeded to act, and have now the pleasure of enclosing a pa- 
per, signed by the greater part of the members of Congress, 
composing the Delegation from Pennsylvania, We did not 
deem it necessary to go beyond the Delegation from your na- 
tive state. If the President entertained the same views of 
your qualifications which we and your other old friends and as- 
sociates entertain, he would give you an early call to promi- 
nent public service. 

We are, with sentiments of sincere regard, very respectful- 
ly, yours, 

GEO. G. LEIPER, 

[Signed] JOSEPH HEMPHILL, 

T. HARTLEY CRAWFORD. 



11 

T//C following is a copy of ihc paper enclosed in the 

foregoing teller. 

To Ills ExCELLKNCY AndUEW JaCKSON, 

PllESIDENT OF THE UnITEI) St/VTES 

Sir; — We understand that Charles Biddle, Esquire, is an 
applicant for oflice under the general government. Your own 
knowledge of him will, of course, point out the situation in 
which he would be most useful. Many of us are personally 
and intimately acquainted with him, and all of us know his 
character. He is a gentleman of talents and integrity; of ca- 
pacity fully equal to the discharge of most duties; and of prin- 
ciples which will ensure lidelity and the best application of his 
powers to any trust. We hope that his being a native citizen 
of Pennsylvania, and an adopted son ol Tennessee, will not 
weaken his claims to the favorable consideration either of the 
public or yourself. 

Joseph Hemphill, John Gilmore, 

[Signed,] George G. Leiper, C. Forward, 

T. Hartley Crawford, R. Coulter, 
Thomas Irwin, W. Ramsey, 

Sam. A. Smith, John Scott, 

Peter Ihrie, jr. Daniel H. Miller, 

Hen. A. Muhlenburg, Adam King, 
Ilarmar Denny, Jos. Fry, jr. 

Philander Stephens, Innis Green, 

James Ford, Wm. McCreery. 

Joshua 'Evans, 

Lelier from C. Biddle to the President. 

Washington Citi/, I2lh March, 1830. 
To THE President of the U. S. 

Sir; — 1 take the liberty of enclosing a paper which has just 
been handed to me, and which, your Excellency will perceive, 
is signed by all the members of Congress from Tennessee ex- 
cept two. I shall be pleased if this letter and the one which 1 
forwarded to you a few days since, from the Pennsylvania dele- 
gation, should produce a favorable impression upon your mind. 
Whether these two documents will promote the main object 



12 

for which they were intended or not, I shall ever remember willi 
pleasure and pride the kind feelings and good motives which 
actuated my friends in presenting them to me. Knowing how 
much of your time has been recently engaged in public affairs, 
I have abstained from obtruding myself upon your society so 
often as my own inclinations would have prompted; but I shall 
shortly ask a few moments conversation before leaving this city. 
I have the honor to be, 

Your most ob't. servant, 

CHARLES BIDDLE. 
P. S. Mr. Bell, who handed me the enclosed letter, informs 
me that he called twice at Senator White's lodgings, but did 
not find him at home. 

Copy of tfie paper enclosed in the foregoing Idler. 

To THE President of the United States; 

The undersigned, members of the Tennessee delegation, to 
whom Mr. Biddle, of Nashville, is known personally or by char- 
acter, beg leave to represent that they consider him a gentle- 
man of honor and talents; and that he possesses qualifications 
well adapted to the discharge of the duties of any office which 
the President's own personal acquaintance with him may ena- 
ble him to designate as one in which Mr. Biddle may be most 
useful to his country. We will add, that it will be gratifying 
to us if Mr, Biddle should be employed under the government. 

FELIX GRUNDY, 
[Signed,] John Bell, 

James K. Polk, 
J. C. Isaacks, 
D. Crockett, 
Pryor Lea, 
James Blair, 
James Standifer, 

I 

Cave Johnson. 



13 

Let us now return to Mr. Grundy and the late Sena- 
torial election. 

After learning from several gentlemen, the imwarrant- 
ahle use which Mr. Grundy was making of my name, I 
addressed him the following note. 

To THE Hon. Felix Guundy; 

Sir; — It was with much surprise and deep regret that I 
learned, on Monday last, that my name had heen used by you 
in a disrespectful manner, which I scarcely expected from u 
gentleman of your exalted public station. The expressions at- 
tributed to you are so variously stated, that I am unwilling 
to believe them to the extent reported; but shall, at present, 
content myself by stating one of them. It is said that, in order 
to prove your attachment to General Jackson, you declared 
that you had, as Senator of the United States, voted for all his 
"bob-tail nominations, even including Charles Biddle;" adding 
at the same time, some opprobrious epithets towards me per- 
sonally. I scarcely know how the name of so obscure an in- 
dividual as myself, holding no public ofhce, could have been in- 
troduced into a discussion upon important state affairs; and it 
is with a view of ascertaining the facts in the case that I ad- 
dress you this note. 

Your ob't. servant, 

CHARLES BIDDLE. 

JVashville, I2th September, 1832. 

To the foregoing letter I received the following answer; 
and altho' it is not my intention to criticise the chaste and 
beautiful style of the Jocular Senator, yet the substantial 
parts ot his letter will be hereafter noticed, and therefore 
I claim for it an attentive perusal. 

September 12, 1832. 
Sir — I have received your note of to-day, and in my turn 
express my surprise; that Jocular remarks should be report- 
ed by those who heard them as matters of serious import — all 
that was said was in a Jocular way and the report made to 



14 

3'ou very diflferent from what occurred. I never said in ear- 
nest or in JEST that I had voted for all "the President's bob tail 
nominations even including Charles Biddle" or any thing of the 
like kind. When rallied upon the superior claims of others on 
the score of attachment to the administration I said 1 had as 
good evidence on my side, and among other Jocular remarks 
I observed I had voted for your nomination as Judge of Flori- 
da, meaning that I had done so upon very slight evidence of your 
qualifications for the office. I have no recollection of using or ap- 
plying any opprobrious epithets to you personally. Governor Car- 
roll was present and I refer to him, his recollection may be 
more perfect than mine. While on this subject I will remark 
two winters before your nomination was made, the Tennessee 
and Pennsylvania delegation (myself of the number) with very 
few exceptions recommended you to the President as a man of 
character and taleyits but said nothing (I believe) in reference to 
your legal attainments or qualifications for a judicial station. 
Your character and the President's nomination induced me to 
vote for you. Yours with respect, 

F. GRUNDY. 
To Charles Biddle, Esq. 

After receiving from a Senator of the United States so 
positive a denial of his having used or applied any op- 
probrious epithets to me, and an assurance that my char- 
acter formed an inducement for his voting in my fa- 
vor, it may appear strange to those who reside at a dis- 
tance from Nashville, that I should not have been perfect- 
ly satisfied with Mr. Grundy's explanation. But so it is 
(and most unfortunately for the Senator it is so) that my 
calling for additional evidence in this case created no 
surprise here where his character is well known. If it 
should be asked why I am not satisfied with Mr. Grun- 
dy's declaration, my answer is that the testimony opposed 
to him is so strong, both as to number and great respec- 
tability of the witnesses, that it would prevail and be 
triumphant in any court of justice in opposition to the 



15 

nnsiipporlcd recollections of any sin<;le witness, however 
exalted his official station mii>ht he. In a lon^i^ list of 
witnesses whom I might summon to disprove JMr. (Grun- 
dy's assertions upon this occasion are to he found the 
names of 
The llonorahlc F. W. Iluling, Speaker of the II. of R. 

Dixon Allcii Esq. memher of do. 

Lucius J. Polk, member of the JScnato. 

Gen. R. Cheatham, member of the li. R. 

Col. Doling Gordon, do do 

Maj. Charles Watkins, do do 
all of them men to whom Mr. Grundy would yield his 
entire confidence in every thing unconnected witli po- 
litics. From these gendcmen I have letters which I w ill 
proceed to lay before the public. It will be perceived 
that in copying those letters I have omitted some of the 
slanderous words used by Mr. Grundy, because altho' 
false, and known at the time they were uttered to be so, 
yet Mr. Grundy clothed them in language as unfit for the 
public eye as they w^re deemed by those who heard 
them unfit for the public ear. The reader, however, 
can conceive what would be die ravings of an ambitious 
politician upon finding an active opponent where he ex- 
pected to meet a warm and zealous friend in a closely 
contested election. His style is said to have been mark- 
ed by all the graces of a Mississippi boatman, and his 
words flowc.'d with that volubility, variety, beauty and 
harmony which so peculiarly distinguish the ladies of the 
London Fish JMarket, which cause a smile but create no 
belief in the listener. The reader is requested in perus- 
ing these letters to pay particular attention to Mr. Grun- 
dy's doctrine about oa//i 9 as I intend making a few re- 
jnarks upon that subject. 



16 

House of Representatives, Sept. 17, 1832. 

Dea.r Sir — Your note of this date desiring to know the 
substance of certain remarlis made to me by Mr. Grundy in re- 
lation to your character and standing has been received, and 
in reply I will observe that between Mr. Grundy and myself 
personally no conversation of that kind ever took place. The 
conversation to which you allude was in the House of Repre- 
sentatives some eight or ten days since in presence I believe of 
Gen. Cheatham, Mr. Dixon Allen, Bailey Peyton and myself. 
At the time Mr. Grundy approached as we were conversing I 
think on the subject of the approaching Senatorial election, 
when Mr. Grundy observed that he had just heard that his 
Jacksonism was questioned; meaning as I supposed his want of 
devotion to the cause of the Administration. He observed 
that he thought it would be difficult for any person to give 
stronger evidence than he had done, as he had voted to sus- 
tain the nomination of****************** 
Biddle before the Senate, at the same time addressing himself 
to Mr. Foster who was near, and asking him if he (Mr. F.) 
could cite stronger evidences in his favor. He also observed 
that even if he were disposed to deny the extent to which he 
had gone he could not do it as his votes were on record to show 
for themselves. 

Whether these remarks were made in a jocular way or not, 
I am unable to say, but thought at the time, perhaps they were, 
as the general tenor of the conversation was of that character. 
I further recollect that I thought the expression an imprudent 
one, and felt surprised that it was made under any circumstan- 
ces. I may be mistaken as to the precise words but know them 
to be nearly correct. 

Having no other interest in this matter other than a perfect 
regard to truth, I have felt it due in compliance with your re- 
quest to give the information asked for. 
I am very respectfully, 

Dear Sir your ob't. servant, 

B. GORDON. 
To Charles Biddle, Esq. 



17 

Reprcsentnlive Hall, ISlh Seplcmbcr 1832. 

Dear Sin — Your note of the 17th inst. is now before nnc, 
in which you state that you have been informed that Mr. Grun- 
dy in conversation with me had made some remarks prejudi- 
cial to your character— and you request me as nearly as pos- 
sible to state the purport of the remarks, the words and im- 
pressions which Mr. Giundy appeared anxious to make. The 
conversation and remarks to which I presume you allude were 
not made individually to myself. I was some days since after 
the House had adjourned in the Representatives Hall, in com- 
pany with several gentlemen, among the number present Dix- 
oa Allen Esq., Major Boling Gordon, Bailey Peyton Esq. of 
Gallatin and others not now recollected. Mr. Grundy and I 
think Mr. Foster was also in the Hall. A Jocular conversa- 
tion took place between Mr. Grundy and others — Mr. Grundy 
remarked that something had been said in relation to Jackson- 
ism, and which was the best administration man him or Mr. 
Foster — he said he would like to hear the evidence of their 
devotion — that he Mr. Grundj^, could give strong evidence of 
his attachment and devotion to the administration — that he 
had voted for all General Jackson's nominations — that he had 
voted for that man Biddle's nomination, and that after voting 
for such a nomination he thought none would doubt his devo- 
tion to the administration — he thought you (using his own lan- 
guage) totally unfit for the office— but as you and him were 
both lawyers and resided in the same town, that he was com- 
pelled to go for the nominatio.i in order to sustain the admin- 
istration — but at the same time remarked that we do not there 
take the same oath that you the members of the Legislature take 
here. 

I thought at the time the remarks were unguarded and im- 
prudent — and I will here remark that 1 did not speak of the 
conversation, until called upon by some two or three gentle- 
men to repeat what I had heard Mr. Grundy say — which con- 
versation and remarks I felt it my duty to make to them — and 
LOW to you in accordance with ;j our request. 
Respectfully yours, 

RICHARD CHEATHAM. 

To Col. ClIAKLKg BiDDLL'. 

C 



18 

Mashville, Seplemher 1832. 
To Charles Biddle Esq. 

I received your note of the 17th inst. enquiring of me if Mr. 
Felix Grundj had not to me made some remarks prejudicial 
to your character, and also desiring to know the purport of 
those remarks, as also the impression he was desirous to make. 
As I have repeated a conversation held by Mr. Grundy to me, 
to some gentlemen, not wishing or intending the same should 
come to j^our knowledge, as the same may have been misrepre- 
sented to you I will state the conversation in substance and 
Avords as near as I can. In the Hall of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, after the House had adjourned, several of the mem- 
bers were sitting about in small groups, I walked near where 
Mr. Grundy was sitting and where he had been talking to 
some person, — I know Col. M'Farland was present and I think 
Governor Carroll. Mr. Grundy had been telling them some- 
thing I had not heard; Mr. Grundy said, Mr. Huling I have 
just been telling these gentlemen that Mr. Foster and myself 
were considered Jackson men, and I suppose it to be true, but 
the question is who is the best Jackson man; he thought he 
could give evidence that he was a better Jackson man than 
him. Now (says he) for the proof, last winter General Jack- 
son nominated to the Senate *=^************** 
Biddle as a Judge in the Floridas and I voted for him; now can 
Mr. Foster give as strong testimony as that — I looked surpriz- 
ed — he then said, but recollect, Mr. Huling, I dont take the same 
oath that you do; 1 only take an oath to support the constitution of 
the United States — you swear that you will give no vote prejudicial 
to the interests of the people — now, says he, can Mr. Foster give as 
strong evidence of his Jacksonism. ************ 

The impression his conversation made on my mind was that 
his object was not to prejudice you, but to remove an impres- 
sion that many have, and I as one, that his support of Jackson 
was not sincere and disinterested. This conversation in ap- 
pearance was Jocular, but it struck me as intended for effect, 
to shew his devotedness to Jackson and to remove the doubts 

of his sincerity. 

I am respectfully yours, 

F. W. HULING. 



19 

JVashville 17 ih September 183-2. 
Sm — Your note of to-day is no\v before inc, in which you 
state that you have been iufornned that Mr. Gruiuiy, in a con- 
versation with me, made some remarks prejudicial to your 
character. I will here state the conversation as near as I can 
recollect, and leave you to draw your own conclusions. Some 
days since Mr. Iluling informed me that Mr. Grundy had sta- 
ted to him or in his presence, that he believed he could give as 
strong proof of his Jacksonism as any of the candidates, and 
stated that when GeneralJackson nominated that ****** 
* * * * ^- * * :¥ * Biddle to be Judge he voted to confirm the 
nomination, knowing liim to be unqualified. I was much sur- 
prised at hearing this, and the first opportunity that olfered I 
enquired of Mr. Grundy if he had made the statement. He 
answered that he had in a jocular way said something of the 
kind. I asked him if he voted for lominations whether they 
were qualified or not; he answered that Policy sometimes 
made it right aiid said that he was not sworn as I was; he was only 
sioorn to support the constitution of the United States. I then as- 
ked Mr. Grundy if he did not recommend Mr. Biddle to the 
President, he answered he did as a man of talents, and so had 
all the Tennessee delegation he believed except Hugh L. 
White; but also stated that he did not recommend him as a 
Judge. Respectfully yours, 

CHARLES Vv^ATKINS. 
To Charles Biddle Esq. 



-.Yashville October d, 1832. 
Dear Sir — Your note requesting us to state the remarks 
made by Mr. Grundy prejudicial to your character, and the 
impression he seemed anxious to make on our minds, has been 
received — as to the impressions <fcc. we cannot speak. The 
conversation alluded to was at the door of the Nashville Inn. — 
Something was said about Major Eaton's being a candidate for 
the Senate, Mr. Grundy observed "that there had been much 
said about Eaton being the best Jackson man, but that he (Mr. 
G.) had given as good evidence of his Jacksonism as any other 



20 

man could, that he had voted for that fellow, 'B'lddle, for a Judge, 
knowing he was not fit, because Jackson had nominated him, 
which he considered going the whole Hog, ears, bristles, tail 
and all." He requested us to mention these facts if we should 
ever hear his Jacksonism doubted. These were his w6rds ag 
near as we can remember. 

Yours respectfully, 

LUCIUS J. POLK. 

DIXON ALLEN. 

To CoL. C BiDDLE, 

\_Present.^ 
P. S. Dixon Allen agrees perfectly with Gen'l. Cheatham 
in his statement of the conversation which took place in the 
House of Representatives. 

Before making any comments upon the preceding do- 
cuments, I wish to state one or two facts, which have not 
heretofore been mentioned, and will go for to show the 
causes which produced those malignant feelings which 
exist on the part of Mr. Grundy towards myself. Whilst 
the controversy for Senator was confined to Col. Foster 
and Mr. Grundy, he always spoke very confidendy of 
his success, and he was of course extremely anxious to 
restrict, the legislature in their choice, within those nar- 
row limits. My own notions on the subject being rather 
more expanded, I took the liberty, so fcir back as the 
month of May or June last, without the knowledge or 
consent of Major Eaton, (during his absence to the 
north) to present his name before die public as a suita- 
ble person to represent this state in the Senate of the U- 
nited Stales; and, although the publications then made 
were under an anonymous signature, yet the active poli- 
ticians of this city knew the source fr )m whence they 
emanated, as perfectly well as if my own name had been 
attached to them. I was severely rebuked by writers in 
ihe newspapers for my presumption in attempting (o en- 



21 

croach upon ground already occupied by Messrs;. Foster 
and Grundy, and was told that it was too late for a third 
candidate. Still 1 was not convinced, and therefore I 
was denounced as a heretick. 

I will now stale an occurrence of a more recent date, 
which excited JMr Grundy's rage to such a degree as de- 
prived him of his usual cunning, and was the proximate 
cause of his denouncing me in the most unmeasured 
terms before the members of the legislature. On the e- 
yen'mg^ preceding the day in which Mr. Grundy held his 
conversation wuh Messrs. Iluling, Cheatham and others, 
I returned to the city from a visit to Major Eaton, who 
was a few miles in the country, and on my return, I pub- 
licly announced John li. Eaton a candidate for Senator 
of the United States. This threw the enemy's camp into 
the utmost consternation, and the herald, who was the 
bearer of such gloomy intelligence, was destined by the 
Grundy faction to be sacrificed upon the altar of dieir 
unhallowed ambition. With such feelings, they would 
not have hesitated to accuse and convict me, under oath, 
of a violation of the ten commandments, provided their 
oaths were limited to a support of the Constitution. 

After a calm n.nd attentive perusal of the letter of Mr. 
Grundy, together with those of the members of Assembly, 
what are the reflections which they force upon the mind of 
every thinking man? They are calculated, in my opin- 
ion, to produce contempt for his prevarications, horror 
at his opinions about the obligations of an oath, pity 
for the abject condition to which a Senator is reduced, and 
alarm at the appalling truth, that a portion of the power of 
the government should be placed in the hands of any man 
who could excite in our breasts the combined feelings of 
contempt, horror and pity. 

As to the prevarications of Mr. Grundy, they consist 



22 

in his making use of the most vile aspersions upon my 
character, at a time when he expected they would produce 
a favorable impression upon the legislature, and after- 
wards denying, under his own signature, diat he had e- 
ver "used or .applied any opprobrious epithets tome per- 
sonally." He says to the members of the legislature, ^'I 
claim to be a whole-hog Jackson man, because I voted 
for that fellow Biddle;" and he turns immediately tome 
and says, '-your talents and character induced me to 
vote for your nomination as Judge of Flor.da." Can 
such conduct be reconciled with the character of an hon- 
orable man? I think but few of his constituents will a|> 
prove such duplicity. Although the letters, as published, 
do not contain most of the offensive phrases used by Mr. 
Grundy, yet they are at ail times subject to the inspection 
of diose who may doubt the malignity and itit(jmperance 
which characterised his conduct. 

It can scarcely be considered necessary, in a christian 
community, to waste the time of the public in proving 
the solemn obligations imposed by oaths, in which the 
Searcher of all Hearts is invoked to witness our sincerity 
and truth; and it might be deemed insulting to the good 
sense and patriotism of the people, in a republican go- 
vernment, to advance arguments in favor of a strict ad- 
herence to the public interests, by the agents of their own 
appointment. Without pretending, therefore, to discuss 
these self-evident propositions, let us compare the princi- 
ples avowed by Mr. Grundy, widi those conscientious mo- 
tives and rules of action, which ought to influence vir- 
tuous cidzens, whether in public or private stations. 

By reference to the letter of Mr. Huling it will be seen, 
that after that gentleman had expressed his surprise at 
Mr. Grundy's avowal of his reasons for voting upon my 
nominatixjn, the Senator adds, ^^hul recollect Mr. Huling, 



23 

I do not take the same oath that you do; I onhj take 
an oaih to support the CouslUidlon of the VniUd. States, 
you swear that you imll gwe no vt te contrary to the 
isdcrests of the 'people.'''' 

This is, in eill^ct saying, like Sliylock in the play, "tlie 
words are not in the bond;' and Mr. Grundy there- 
fore, considered himself at liberty to sacrifice the in- 
terests of the pBople, because he was not specially sworn 
to supjDort them ! 

Citizens of Tennessee, let me ask whether you will 
commit into the hands of such a man the dearest rights 
of your country, and perhaps its very existence as an in- 
dependent nation'? Is it not probable, that Mr. Grundy 
would advocate mdlifieatlon upon the ground that he is 
not sworn to resist that dangerous doctrine? He cer- 
tainly appears to have a very confused sense of the im- 
plied obligation which every citizen, with or without an 
oath, owes to his country to promote her rights and main- 
tain her interests. If any man, at the very moment of so- 
liciting the votes of his fellow citizens for a re-election as 
Senator of the United States, could deliberately assert 
his freedom from every restraint not specifically imposed 
upon him by oath, what security can the people have for 
his good conduct, when placed six years beyond their 
control? 

If we are a moral and religious people, and are anx- 
ious to preserve the parity of our political institutions, it 
is time to dismiss from the councils of the nation, men 
whose principles hang so loosely about them, as to be sha- 
ken off whenever private interests shall come in conflict 
with public duty — men, who, to use Mr. Grundy's lan- 
guage to Major Watkins. think, that ""polcy sometimes 
makes righf,''^ actions which are morally, religiously 
and politically Avrong. 



24 

Tn the midst of so many causes of regret and mortifi- 
cation, which Mr. Grundy's conduct is calculated to pro- 
duce upon the minds of reflecting men, it is cheering to 
find one part of it which must involuntarily create a smile, 
I mean his presumption in attempting to pronounce sen- 
tence upon the qualifications of any man for a judicial 
station. Mr. G. was a young man in the infancy of the 
western States, when almost the only road to preferment 
lay through the log court houses of the country, and when 
what is called Lynch's law, (the law of force) was stu- 
died with much more assiduity than the pages of Coke, 
Bacon or Blacksione. During that period, the man who 
could most artfully select a jury to suit his client's pur- 
poses, and who succeded best in influencing the prejudi- 
ces of the ignorant portion of the community, always 
made money. Many of Mr. Grundy's contemporaries 
left this field of strife, retired to their libraries, and diere 
prepared themselves for the altered condition of society 
which was fairly anticipated, from the immense tide of 
emigration to the west. Mr. Grundy alone remained sta- 
tionary, and he now holds the same rank with his pro- 
fessional brethren which he did thirty years ago; and 
how could it be otherwise with a man who never reads a 
book, and whose whole time, for many years previous 
to his election as a Senator, had been occupied, either in 
the defence of horse thieves, counterfeiters and murder- 
ers, or in the degrading broils of a county or state elec- 
tion. 

I can safely assert, that during the whole course of the 
late excitement, I studiously avoided mingling political 
with personal considerations, aUhough frequently furnish- 
ed with materials from which they might have been ad- 
vantageously combined to the prejudice of Mr. Grundy. 
It formed, however, no part of my scheme of politics, to 



25 

erect any other tribunal for the trial of public officers than 
that of public opinion ; nor to resort for evidence to tiie 
reminiscences of private enemies in order to sustain a 
charge of public defalcation. If Mr. Grundy and his 
friends had confined themselves vvitliin the same limits, 
much of that rancorous feeling which now exists, would 
never have been engendered, and the harmony of social 
intercourse would not have been so materially interrupted 
as it has been. His letter to me of the V2th ultimo, ex- 
hibits a melancholy instance of the miserable shifts to 
which trading politicians will occasionally resort, in order 
to screen themselves from public odium. To that letter 
I again request the reader's particular attention, and he 
will there find "a grave Senator" endeavoring to apolo- 
gise for his follies and indiscretions, by asserting that 
they were committed in his jocular moments. Now, it 
does appear to me, that a jocular and jesiing Senator, 
should, at the present crisis of our public affairs, yield 
his station to some patriotic citizen, who would serious- 
ly reflect upon the value of the Union and endeavor to 
preserve it. The poHtical institutions of our country are 
of too sacred a character to become the jest of every jo- 
cular charlatan, w ho may for a season have succeeded in 
Winding the judgment of the people. 

I am the publics' obedient servant, 

CHARLES BIDDLE. 

Nashville, October 17, 1832. 



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